The Struggle Towards a Democratic Nation Essay -- essays papers

The Struggle Towards a Democratic Nation Education Position Paper The Struggle Towards a Democratic Nation Imperialism of one sort or another has been occurring for centuries around the world. In the U.S. a specific form of imperialism is in full effect but is less noticeable than the normative physical imperialism. Linguistic imperialism occurs when a dominant group imposes their language on another, and within the United States this imperialism has been occurring through English. English is the language set up by the American society to be the dominant official language. America is supposed to be the melting pot of different languages and cultures but there is a specific connection between English speakers and dominance over non-English speakers. From this relationship a hierarchy develops in which those who are the representative English speaker in America (Caucasian), are more privileged and more recognized in society than non-English speakers normally of color. Bilingual Education brings this topic to light because it is a governmental supported idea that basically forces non-Englis h speakers to learn English. As children grow out of bilingual education they seem to have two choices; move away from their own culture and assimilate, or retain their culture but don‘t be recognized by society. Of course these choices aren’t always so clear-cut and often the results are varied, but a conflict remains. This topic is explored in Americo Parede’s novel George Washington Gomez, when the question is raised, is it possible for a non-white non-English speaking person to become educated in America without losing their ethnic identity. The main character in this book Gualinto explores what it means to be Mexican-American and what that term means to him after being educated. Also my own experiences of the effects of linguistic imperialism and bilingual education in the California school system have lent to this paper. Ultimately all this information asks the question: Does the dominant white power structure and bilingual education in the U.S. allow non-E nglish speakers, normally of color, to retain their cultural identity? The migration of the English to America and the eventual formation of the colonies led to the construction of whiteness as an ideology of privilege and dominance. Literature from this period shows how whiteness became the represen... ...tural identity. The English language and linguistic imperialism attribute to this situation. While bilingual education is a way to assimilate non-English speakers into American culture, English and its place in the white dominant society, creates a possibility of forgetting ones culture or even self hatred. Like Gualinto many students find that the only real way to become upwardly mobile is to completely forget their heritage and become utterly American even if that means becoming â€Å"whitewashed†. Educators and enlightened minds alike will need to observe data and strive diligently toward a nation not dominated by white elitists but by open-minded educated people intent on the basic tenement of U.S. Democracy: Equality. Bibliography: Works Cited Babb, Valerie. Whiteness Visible. New York: New York University Press, 1998 7 April 2002 Mclaren, Peter, and Carlos J. Ovando. The Politics of Multiculturalism and Bilingual Education. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2000. Paredes, Americo. George Washington Gomez. Houston: Arte Publico, 1990. United States. Dept. of Justice. Immigration and Naturalization Service. Law Enforcement and Border Management. 1999. 1 April 2002.

American History-Cold War

This work is an effort to acknowledge the Korean War. This is not an attempt to provide a history. The purpose of this work is to consider the argument that the Korean War was a natural extension of the Cold War and would not have been fought if relations with the U. S and Russia/China were not cold. Many see the Korean War as a mystery. Some parts of it seem almost immune to study and understanding. Statistics tell some things, and chronological narratives can provide a story upon which to hang data and factual information.But the problem is simply that people still do not know very much about the war. It was so complex, both in terms of its causes, and of the progress of the fighting, that the usual methods of reporting do not always tell a clear story. It was (and is) a significant part of American history, and within it are located keys to understanding America's highly transitional role in the increasingly complex world events of the time. The outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 was one of the great sea changes in postwar American history. Like the Trojan horse sent into Troy, President Harry S.Truman's June 1950 decision to intervene in the Korean crisis laid the nation bare to a bombardment of economic, political, military, and social changes. As it turned out, the Korean mobilization went far beyond preparations for America's first undeclared war; it evolved into the nation's de facto Cold War preparedness program, which came to span nearly forty years. The Korean War, which began with the invasion of the Republic of South Korea in June of 1950, can be more easily understood if we consider it as two, perhaps even three, wars.The first phase was between the United Nations and the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea. This period can be considered a victory for the United Nations. Surely there is no other word for the successful landing at Inchon in September 1950, the recapture of the South Korean capital of Seoul, and the approach, by Eighth Army on the west and X Corps on the east, to the Yalu. By the middle of November, the forces of the United Nations had scattered the troops of North Korea's army and occupied most of its territory. The goals of the United Nations, to drive the invader from South Korea, had been accomplished.The second phase, which General of the Army Douglas MacArthur called â€Å"an entirely new war,† began with the Chinese entry into the conflict. This phase must be considered much less successful. In the light of the goals established for the second stage of the war – to expel the Communist Chinese and to occupy and control the territory of North Korea – the war was a failure. But somewhere during the second year of fighting, around November 1951, the nature of the goals changed again. This change may be sufficient to define a third phase of the war.The third phase was marked by the decision to take a defensive posture in Korea. After the defeat at the Chosin reservoir and the slo w United Nations return to the 38th Parallel military victory seemed to be too great a goal. The war became one of attrition, not unlike World War I. The third phase was one of waiting, patrolling, skirmishing, destroying supplies, and attacking to kill rather than to occupy, and negotiating. If the legitimate purpose of war is to create a more perfect peace, as some have suggested, then phase three of the Korean War was its most important.Certainly the long-term goals, as well as the short-term reactions, seemed to be more directed at an easing of the Cold War than at victory in Korea. The decision made by President Harry S. Truman and his advisors to enter the war in defense of South Korea was one of major significance. Some historians believe it may have been predetermined by earlier events leading up to the invasion. On the surface, however, the decision looks like a rather abrupt shift in the administration's policy concerning Korea. The reaction gave Korea more importance than it had previously held for Americans.Later, when Truman authorized General MacArthur to move across the 38th, and seek the occupation of North Korea, that decision did not appear so much out of character. In the final analysis, however, this latter decision introduced a period of military defeat, public concern, and political difficulty. There is much about the fighting during the Korean War that, in an overview, appears paradoxical. The tremendous technological advances made during World War II paid off between 1945 and 1955. Weapon development moved quickly and weapons became more and more complex.Nevertheless, the Korean War was primarily fought with weapons left over from World War II. To a significant degree it was also fought with the strategies and often with the commanders, of that war. It was war fought in the beginning by untrained and unprepared occupation troops, then by â€Å"retreads† (recalled World War II veterans), then by draftees caught up in one of the lo osest conscription nets in modern history. Of course, it was a war in which military methodology and expectancy were severely limited.Finally, we can say that the Korean War verified Clausewitz's understanding that a limited war can be true to its defined goals only as long as it remains subject to political (civilian) control. The Korean War emphatically marked the end of the post-Second World War era. The Sovietization of Eastern Europe, the Greek civil war, the Czech coup, and the Berlin Airlift, not to mention the â€Å"loss† of China to the communists, had all served to erode what had remained of the wartime â€Å"Grand Alliance† between the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union that had persisted through the war and to the establishment of the United Nations.But with American, British, French, Dutch, Canadian, Australian, New Zealand, South African, Greek, Turkish, Filipino and Thai troops actually engaged in combat with Communist forces, the Cold War seemed obviously to have taken on a new and far more bitter dimension, and indeed, might no longer even merit the term â€Å"Cold War†. In the words of one scholar, â€Å"Without the Cold War there would have been no Korean War† (Mcmahon 69) In fact, the entry of China into the conflict in late 1950 unleashed apocalyptic imaginings of a Third World War, particularly amongst Americans.Even after the Armistice concluding the Korean War, the Cold War would continue for more than four decades. The Korean War marked a pivotal turning point in the global execution of the Cold War. To understand the larger context—the Cold War—is to understand how and why Korea fundamentally altered the political and economic scene in the United States. First, Korea marked the militarization of Harry Truman's containment policy.Before June 1950, the United States tended to emphasize the economic aspects of containment, during which time it sought to build a strong, free-marketà ¢â‚¬â€based international order to serve as a bulwark against Soviet communism. Once the war in Korea began, however, the United States emphasized military rearmament—here and abroad—to resist perceived Soviet aggression. Second, by militarizing containment as it did, the Truman administration globalized it as well.After Korea, the nation prepared itself ideologically and militarily to resist the Sovietsin every corner of the world. Thus, in the final analysis, the Korean mobilization was a mobilization within a mobilization: the nation began arming for the Korean conflict in the short-term while simultaneously mobilizing for the Cold War in the long-term. Division and Cold War came to Korea first and foremost because of the inability of outside powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, to devise a unification plan that would protect the interests of both (Wainstock 36).From the start the two powers regarded internal political configurations as highly unpredicta ble, so they were disinclined to encourage creation of an indigenous government that crossed zonal boundaries. The best opportunity for the emergence of such a government came in September 1945 with the rise of the KPR, a group that possessed strong linkages with the people's committees at the local level. Had the Americans supported the KPR, thus encouraging the KDP to play coalition rather than class politics, Koreans might have taken the lead in developing a vision of a united, independent country unthreatening to the great powers.Yet the best opportunity in this case does not represent a good opportunity, since such an outcome would have required extraordinary patience and trust on all sides, ingredients that were far from common at the time. The unexpected invasion ushered in a new and much more dangerous phase of the Cold War, not just in Asia but globally. Certain that the attack could only have occurred with the backing of the Soviet Union and China – a correct assess ment, as nowavailable evidence confirms – and convinced that it heralded a bolder and more aggressive worldwide offensive by the communist powers, the Truman administration responded vigorously.It immediately dispatched US naval and air forces to Korea in order to stem the North Korean advance and bolster South Korean defences. When that initial intervention proved insufficient, the administration dispatched US combat troops, which became part of an international force owing to the UN's condemnation of the North Korean invasion. ‘The attack upon Korea makes it plain beyond all doubt’, declared Truman in a 27 June address to the American people, ‘that Communism has passed beyond the use of subversion to conquer independent nations and will use armed invasion and war’ (Malkasian 21).He also revealed, in that same speech, that he was ordering the US Seventh Fleet to the Taiwan Strait, increasing aid to the French in Indo—China, and speeding addit ional aid to the pro—American Philippine government which was battling the radical Huk insurgency. Behind those four interventions – in Korea, China, Indo—China, and the Philippines – lay the American perception that a unified threat of formidable proportions was being mounted against Western interests by a hostile and newly aggressive world communist movement under the leadership of the Soviet Union and its Chinese junior partner.The impact of the Cold War on the Korean War is difficult to overstate. Not only did the Korean fighting lead to an intensification and geographical expansion of the Cold War, threaten a wider conflict between the United States and the communist powers, and foster increased East–West hostility, but it also spurred a huge increase in American defence spending and, more broadly, a militarization and globalization of American foreign policy. Beyond Asia, the conflict in Korea also hastened the strengthening of NATO, the armi ng of Germany, and the stationing of US troops on European soil.‘It was the Korean War and not World War II that made the United States a world military—political power’, diplomat Charles Bohlen has argued. With uncommon unanimity, scholars have affirmed that judgement, identifying the Korean War as a key turning point in the international history of the postwar era. America's ‘real commitment to contain communism everywhere originated in the events surrounding the Korean War’, contends John Lewis Gaddis. Warren I.Cohen calls it ‘a war that would alter the nature of the Soviet—American confrontation, change it from a systemic political competition into an ideologically driven, militarized contest that threatened the very survival of the globe’ (Anthony 42). Yet, as Cohen also notes, ‘that a civil war in Korea would provide the critical turning point in the postwar Soviet—American relationship, and raise the possibilit y of world war, seems, in retrospect, nothing short of bizarre’ (Ball 15). Certainly, in the aftermath of World War II, few places appeared less likely to emerge as a focal point of great power competition.Occupied and ruled by Japan as a colony ever since 1910, Korea factored into wartime councils merely as yet another minor and obscure territory whose future disposition fell on the Allies' already overburdened shoulders. At the Potsdam Conference, the Americans and Soviets agreed to share occupation responsibilities there by temporarily dividing the country at the 38th parallel; they also agreed to work towards the establishment of an independent, unified Korea at the earliest practicable time.In December 1945, at a foreign ministers' meeting in Moscow, the Soviets accepted a US proposal for the establishment of a joint Soviet—American commission to prepare for the election of a provisional Korean government as a first step toward full independence. But that plan soo n fell victim to larger Cold War tensions that militated against any meaningful cooperation, or compromise, between Moscow and Washington. By 1948, the occupation divisions had instead hardened. In the north, a pro—Soviet regime under the leadership of the former antiJapanese fighter Kim took on all the trappings of an independent regime.So, too, did its counterpart in the south: a proAmerican regime headed by the virulently anti—communist Syngman Rhee, a Korean nationalist of long standing. Each side regularly rattled sabres at the other; neither North nor South Koreans could accept a permanent division of their homeland. In 1948, the Truman administration, seeking to extricate itself gracefully from its Korean commitment, began withdrawing US military forces from the peninsula. American defence planners believed not only that US military personnel had become overextended worldwide, necessitating this pullback, but that Korea, in fact, possessed minimal strategic wort h.The North Korean invasion two years later brought a different calculus to the fore. Although it might have lacked great intrinsic strategic value, Korea stood as a potent symbol, especially in view of America's role as midwife and protector of the Seoul regime. Further, the North Korean attack, sanctioned and backed by the Soviet Union and China, threatened America's credibility as a regional and global power every bit as much as it threatened the survival of the South Korean government. To Truman, Acheson, and other senior decision—makers, the stakes at risk in Korea appeared enormous.Consequently, without any dissenting voices being raised, the president quickly authorized US military intervention. ‘If the United Nations yields to the force of aggression’, Truman declared publicly on 30 November, ‘no nation will be safe or secure. If aggression is successful in Korea, we can expect it to spread throughout Asia and Europe to this hemisphere. We are fight ing in Korea for our own national security and survival’ (Roe 90) That statement came right after the entry of Chinese Communist ‘volunteer’ forces into the fray, a development that changed the character of the Korean conflict – and, arguably, the Cold War as well.Truman and his military advisers grew overconfident after MacArthur turned the tide of battle in September 1950 by outflanking the North Koreans with his legendary Inchon landing. The UN forces under his command crossed into North Korean territory on 7 October; by 25 October, some advance units reached the Yalu River, along the North Korean—Chinese border. As they inched closer to Chinese territory, Mao informed Stalin that he had decided to send Chinese troops across the Yalu.‘The reason’, he explained, ‘is that if we allow the United States to occupy all of Korea and Korean revolutionary strength suffers a fundamental defeat, then the Americans will run more rampant to the detriment of the entire East. ’ Mao, too, saw broad regional and global implications in the Korean outcome. MacArthur, who had so cavalierly underestimated the Chinese military threat and whose forces were almost completely driven out of North Korea by the end of November, informed the Joint Chiefs of Staff: ‘We face an entirely new war’ (Paige 12).The world faced an entirely new Cold War by that time as well, one whose boundaries reached well beyond Europe. The emergence of Mao's regime in China, the Sino—Soviet alliance, Soviet and Chinese support for North Korean adventurism, the intervention of US and UN forces in Korea, the subsequent entry of Chinese troops, the presence of communist elements within Southeast Asia's nationalist movements – all ensured that the Cold War would remain a commanding presence in postwar Asia for a long time to come.The Korean War itself dragged on inconclusively until July 1953, when the warring parties signed an armistice that achieved little more than an exchange of prisoners—of—war and a return to the status quo ante bellum. The 38th parallel remained an ominous line of division – not just between North and South Korea, but between the Eastern and Western blocs. With the Korean conflict, the Cold War became increasingly global in scope. In the decade that followed the onset of the Korean fighting, few corners of the world managed to escape the ensnaring web of superpower rivalry, competition, and conflict.Indeed, the principal international flashpoints of the 1950s and 1960s – Iran, Guatemala, Indo—China, the Taiwan Strait, Suez, Lebanon, Indonesia, Cuba, the Congo – lay well beyond the Cold War's original boundaries. Only Berlin, whose contested status triggered Soviet–American crises in 1958 and again in 1961–2, belongs to the set of immediate post—World War II disputes that precipitated the East–West breach in the first place. From the standpoint of the great power struggle, the grounds for defending South Korea were strong.It was believed that if the North Korean aggression succeeded, Indo-China would be almost certain to fall under Communist control, with the aid of whatever Chinese forces were necessary. The snowballing effect of Communist triumphs might make Thailand and Burma relatively easy conquests. Since Indo-China is strategically the key to all South East Asia, the stubborn communist guerrilla movement in Malaya might be expected to gain momentum, with aid from the north, and gun-running to the Huks in the Philippines would not be too difficult.Both in the Philippines and Japan, also, the psychology of Red success would operate powerfully. In the end it might be difficult to hold Japan, especially since she cannot exist, apart from American doles, in the absence of trade with China and South East Asia. As in every crisis of the Cold War, the image of the falling dominoes was allow ed free rein. Thus far the Truman Doctrine had been enforced in Europe, but it had been a dismal failure in East Asia. If now the tremendous triumph of communism in China were capped by further Red gains in Asia the effect on Europe might be decisive.In the United States, too, the result might well be decisive politically for the Truman Administration. Its foes were already making capital bitterly about the non-enforcement of the Doctrine in China. If it collapsed in Asia there would be a mighty outcry indeed. A stage in the Cold War had come which seemed to compel a defense of the Doctrine in Asia. These considerations were sufficient to induce resolute action in Korea, without going to the defense of the United Nations. Up to this time enforcement of the United Nations Charter had not been a compelling motive in Washington.The UN was brushed aside in Greece, and independent action taken to defeat the Communist guerrillas. In Indonesia the United States had brought strong moral pre ssure to bear on the Netherlands in the Security Council, but no troops and planes were sent to fight the Dutch when they defied a UN cease fire order. Nor did the United States mobilize the UN to save the infant Israeli Republic when five Arab states invaded Palestine in 1948 to overturn by force the partition plan adopted by the UN General Assembly.Defiance of the United Nations could not have been more flagrant, but the United States moved no troops and planes to save the victims of Hitler's hate who had gathered in Israel, and who appeared to be on the point of being destroyed by the armies of UN members converging on them from all sides. In the end Israel was saved by her own heroic fighting, with arms obtained largely from communist Czechoslovakia. The United States gave no armed support to Israel as the ward of UN. The Koreans did not ask for the division of their country, even temporarily.They also organized a government which was broadly representative and quite capable of governing the country. But neither the U. S. S. R. nor the U. S. A. would permit this government to function. Each insisted on creating a government for half the country in its own image. In this attempt the Soviets succeeded, but the United States brought a twenty-year emigre back to Korea and permitted him to build himself up into a lifetime despot capable of inviting the American people in their own capital to join him in self destruction.Division having resulted and hardened, two successive attempts to unite Korea by force were made, but the outcome was a great power war which nearly destroyed Korea and did not significantly alter the division of the country. On the contrary, the division was hardened and South Korea was left an overpopulated, undernourished, unviable country, existing only on the military dole of the United States and under a police state government which was a standing invitation to revolution – Red or otherwise.To highlight the argument, it is necessar y to review the years 1945 through 1948. There can be no more striking reflection of Korea's dependence on others than the decision to divide the peninsula into occupation zones in 1945. Koreans had no input in the decision because they had no recognized government or armed forces to defend their interests. They had been swallowed up in the Japanese empire early in the century and were now being freed from that status because of Japan's defeat in a war in which Koreans had contributed more to the losing than to the winning side.Prospects for the peaceful unification of Korea from August 1945 onward were between slim and nil. The first step toward June 25, 1950, had been taken by the great powers—alone. Koreans in 1945 were deeply split among themselves—between close collaborators with the Japanese and underground dissenters; between landowners and peasants; between businessmen and factory workers; between police and civilians. These divisions had festered beneath the s urface before 1945, as the Japanese used the strategy of divide and conquer to ease the task of ruling Korea.The collaborationist issue aside, many of the disputes were foreshadowed in the divisions among exiled independence groups. After liberation from Japan they burst into the open on the peninsula itself. Their existence eliminated any chance for a united indigenous resistance to the country's partition by outsiders. Yet the particular form the divisions took and the ultimate outcome of the resulting conflicts were deeply influenced, indeed often determined, by the foreign presence.That the exiled groups during the Japanese period had looked to outsiders for assistance—Nationalist China and the United States in the case of the Right, the Soviet Union and Communist China in the case of the Left—and that one of the outsiders on each side now occupied half of Korea greatly magnified the problem. The trusteeship issue represented an extreme case, since it was totally c reated by the outsiders. Although the Soviets were able to keep the Korean Left in line on trusteeship, the Americans never persuaded the indigenous Right to support it—or even to exercise restraint in attacking it.Ultimately the United States gave in to Syngman Rhee and abandoned trusteeship, but only because, by September 1947, he represented the best hope for keeping South Korea out of Communist hands, an important U. S. objective in its own right. By the end of 1948, two indigenous governments existed on the peninsula, one exercising authority above the thirty-eighth parallel, one below it, one leftist in orientation and aligned with the Soviet Union, the other rightist and aligned with the United States.It is impossible to imagine this result without the Soviet-American agreement of 1945. If the situation in Korea at the end of 1948 cannot be grasped without reference to the foreign presence since 1945, it is also fair to say that the picture is incomplete without mentio n of the civil conflict that had waxed and waned below the thirty-eighth parallel since the fall of 1946. The unrest began in September with strikes and riots by workers in several cities and soon spread to the countryside, where landlords became frequent objects of attack.Hundreds of civilians and police died in the turmoil. The Left lost heavily in the violence, and for the next year, while unrest was widespread at the village level, it appears not to have been as well coordinated as before. The violence picked up greatly during 1948, with the biggest revolt against government authority beginning in April on Cheju Island. By the end of the year, guerrillas operated extensively on the mainland, so much so that the United States decided to postpone withdrawal of the last of its combat troops from the South.Six of South Korea's eight provinces eventually saw substantial guerrilla activity, which peaked in the fall of 1949 and subsided in the spring of 1950 as a result of strong count eraction by ROK forces. Violence in the South from late 1946 to mid-1950 brought death to some one hundred thousand Koreans. If the Americans were instrumental in suppressing the activity, the Soviets played an integral role in fostering it.Although the general strike in South Korea of September 1946 appears to have begun at the initiative of the Korean Communist Party below the thirty-eighth parallel, the Soviets soon took an active part, giving advice, which the southern rebels often solicited, encouragement, and considerable financial aid. The Soviets also pushed successfully for the merger of the three leftist parties in the two zones and participated in the training and infiltration of North Korean agents and guerrillas into the South.The unrest in South Korea grew in part out of local conditions, but neither its origins nor its course can be understood without devoting heavy attention to activities originating in the North or to actions heavily influenced by the Soviet and Ame rican presence on the peninsula. The local, national, and international forces blended together in a manner that would have made the actual course of events largely unrecognizable with the elimination of any of the three (Stueck 44). On June 25, 1950 NorthKorea invaded South Korea.The invasion was less important in actual strategic terms than in what it symbolized: a confirmation of the aggressive nature of Soviet communism. President Truman attached this symbolism immediately to the war. In his statement issued on June 27 the president declared: â€Å"The attack upon Korea makes it plain beyond all doubt that communism has passed beyond the use of subversion to conquer independent nations and will now use armed invasion and war† (Lowe 120). In response he ordered the Seventh Fleet to protect Formosa, sought U. S. condemnation of the North's aggression, and eventually committed U. S.military forces under the auspices of the United Nations to fight the Korean War. The cold war had suddenly turned into a hot war. But it was a hot war of a peculiar kind. In fact, it was the new face of war in the postwar world. The Korean War was a proxy war fought in Korea but symbolizing the worldwide struggle between the free world and the communist world. If the North Korean invasion symbolized communists' intentions to dominate the world, the U. S. response symbolized the resolve of the United States to resist Soviet domination. It was a critical moment. Metaphysical symbolism replaced tangible objectives as the focal point of war.Such a transcendental transformation had its roots in the original request of economic aid to Greece and Turkey, but it was to have consequences that would reach to the rice paddies of Vietnam. The anticommunism rhetoric was now pervasive and complete. Politicians and people interpreted the meaning of each of these three sets of events – the Hiss conviction and the other charges of domestic communist activities, the invasion of South Korea by the North, and the Chinese intervention into that war – by the standards of that rhetoric and at the same time used these events as proof that the rhetoric was correct in the first place.It was a classic tautology. Understanding and proving arose simultaneously and led to action. And action confirmed the understanding and proof. The Korean War was the linchpin of these final proofs. John Lewis Gaddis (1983) remarked that the widely shared but erroneous impression that the invasion of South Korea was the first military step in the Soviet Union's plan to conquer the world had three important consequences: (1) the transformation of NATO from â€Å"a traditional mutual defense alliance into a[n] integrated military structure† that led to the appointment of a U.S. supreme commander of NATO and the stationing of U. S. troops in Europe; (2) the rearming of West Germany and the signing of a peace treaty with Japan, thus making alliances with old enemies to fight a new enemy; and (3) the approval of National Security Memorandum No. 68, better known as NSC-68 (32). Perhaps the only issue on which the United States and China had significant common interests concerns the Korean peninsula. Washington and Beijing had a strong interest in preventing North Korean acquisition of nuclear weapons.Not only would a nuclear-armed North Korea make a North-South war far more dangerous, but it might also encourage South Korean and Japanese acquisition of nuclear weapons and cause a nuclear arms race in Northeast Asia. Thus, at times Beijing has applied economic pressure on North Korean rulers, assisting U. S. efforts to compel Pyongyang to curtail its nuclear program. Indeed, Chinese policy toward nuclear proliferation into North Korea was one Chinese policy that consistently drew praise from Washington for having â€Å"concerns similar† to America's and for playing â€Å"an important cooperative role† and providing â€Å"critical cooperation† in U. S.efforts to freeze North Korea's nuclear program. China has also been supportive of U. S. efforts to bring about North Korean participation in the four-party peace talks involving the two Koreas, China, and the United States (Guttmann 59). The United States and China also shared an interest in preventing economic and political instability in North Korea from leading to war between the two Koreas. China has contributed to this common objective of a â€Å"soft† rather than a â€Å"crash landing† of the North Korean government by encouraging Pyongyang to open its economy to foreign trade and investment and by supplying it with subsidized energy resources.As the North Korean economy rapidly deteriorated, Beijing supplied Pyongyang with emergency food and clothing supplies. Since then, Beijing has continued to provide North Korea with food, consumer goods, and energy assistance. But even U. S. -China relations on this relatively cooperative issue had tensions. Whe reas Washington's policy toward North Korea was primarily focused on preventing nuclear proliferation, Beijing's policy attached equal weight to its vital interest in preserving its significant influence in a border state located at the intersection of all of the great powers.Moreover, Beijing had even greater interest than Washington in preventing war on the Korean peninsula, insofar as it would be waged on China's border and could spill over into Chinese territory. U. S. China friction results from Washington's frustration when Chinese caution inhibits Beijing from applying greater pressure on the North Korean leadership. Thus far, U. S. -China common interests in regional stability have prevailed, but should the U. S. -North Korean agreement collapse, U. S. -China tension over North Korea could intensify.The nuclear problem on the Korean peninsula was, in part, a holdover from the Cold War. It stemmed, ultimately, from the division of the country and the threat to the status quo posed by the Communist regime in the north – the same set of circumstances that had led to war in 1950. The same dictator – Kim II-sung-who had launched the attack in 1950 was in power and threatening to acquire nuclear weapons in 1994. The problem of North Korean nuclear weapons produced a political alignment in the region that demonstrated the differences between the Cold War and post-Cold War eras in yet another way.In 1950 the United States and Japan were allied with South Korea against North Korea, the Soviet Union, and the People's Republic of China (Buzo 89). Korea has common borders with both Russia and China. All four powers participated, directly or indirectly, in the Korean War of the 1950s. The Korean War was extension of the conflict in and the Cold War, at least in American eyes. North Korea, China, and later Vietnam were seen in Washington as part of a single Communist bloc, all allies and instruments of Moscow. A scenario suggests that the Soviet Union, North Korea, and Communist China conspired to begin a war in Asia.The North Korean invasion of South Korea was the opening move in a Communist offensive for worldwide domination. However, while it is fairly certain that Premier Mao Tsetung and Stalin were both aware of North Korea's decision to invade, there is less evidence that the nations involved were acting under the aegis of international communism. In fact, failure to understand the difference between national and international communism is a significant part of the inability of the United Nations to comprehend the depth of the problem it faced.The actual element of conspiracy, it there was one, may have been in the willingness of major political powers to use small and vulnerable nations in the Cold War. That is, the Korean War simply have been a convenient battleground for one more clash between nations who did not have the courage to take on each other openly. Works Cited Anthony, Farrar-Hockley. â€Å"The China Factor i n the Korean War†. In The Korean War in History ed. James Cotton and Ian Neary. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1989. Ball, S. J. The Cold War: An International History, 1947-1991. Arnold: London, 1998.Buzo, Adrian. The Making of Modern Korea. Routledge: New York. , 2002. Gaddis John Lewis. â€Å"The Emerging Post-Revisionist Synthesis on the Origins of the Cold War†. Diplomatic History 7 (Summer 1983): 171-90. Guttmann, Allen. Korea and the Theory of Limited War. D. C. Heath: Lexington, MA, 1967. Kaufman, Burton I. The Korean Conflict. Greenwood Press: Westport, CT, 1999. Lowe, Peter. The Origins of the Korean War. London: Longmann, 1986. Malkasian, Carter. A History of Modern Wars of Attrition. Praeger: Westport, CT, 2002. Mcmahon, Robert. The Cold War: A Very Short Introduction.Oxford University Press: Oxford, England, 2003. Paige, Glenn D. The Korean Decision. New York: Free Press, 1968. Ridgway, M. B. The Korean War, Garden City, NY, 1967. Roe, Patrick C. The Dragon Strikes: China and the Korean War, June-December 1950. Presidio Press: Novato, CA, 2000. Sandler, Stanley. The Korean War: No Victors, No Vanquished. UCL Press: London, 1999. Stueck, William. Rethinking the Korean War: A New Diplomatic and Strategic History. Princeton University Press: Princeton, NJ, 2002. Wainstock, Dennis D. Truman, Macarthur and the Korean War. Greenwood Press: Westport, CT, 1999.

Essay on How Does the Constitution Guard Against Tyranny

How did the Constitution guard against tyranny? Tyranny is means ‘as harsh absolute power in the hands of one individual’; it has happened everywhere. Whatever the size or shape, tyranny is a problem because it means too much power in the hands of one person or group. In 1787, Representatives from almost all the states in the U.S, met in Philadelphia to fix the issue of tyranny. The House presents us to â€Å"The Articles of Confederation† to help guard against tyranny. The Constitution guarded against tyranny in ways such as having the federalism, separation of powers, checks and balances, and the large and small states both treated equally. The first guard against tyranny was Federalism; a system of government in which power is divided†¦show more content†¦Another way to guard against tyranny was the checks and balances; that all the different branches of government can disagree with something that another branch is doing in order to keep everything in the government fair. One way that the constitution shows this is when it is put that the other branches can veto something that another branch is doing because it may be unconstitutional. (Document C) Checks and balances protects against tyranny because it make sure that one group in the government can do anything that would be unconstitutional. (Document C) For example, ‘congress can approve presidential nominations and impeach the President from office, but the President can veto a Congressional legislation. (Document C) Another example is the president nominates judges, but the Court can declare presidential acts unconstitutional. (Document C) Another ex ample is the court can declare laws unconstitutional, but congress can impeach judges. (Document C) Checks and Balances protect against tyranny. The fourth guard against tyranny was big states and small states compromise which means that the size of a state should have a input on whether it has more say in the government than one less of it size. Document D shows that this is in theShow MoreRelatedThe Constitution Of The United States1164 Words   |  5 PagesGeorge III. The way he ruled was filled with tyranny, which is the overruling of an individual or group. King George and other tyrants were people with too much power, making the colonies and anyone under their rule an utter nightmare. Luckily, we don’t have this because of the Constitution, which protects America from tyranny. A constitution in general is a set of basic principles that determines the powers and duties of a government. The Constitution was written in May of 1787 in Philadelphia becauseRead MoreThe Constitution Of The United States1453 Words   |  6 PagesThe Constitution of the United States of America was presented in 1787, pertaining to a new ly formed government and how the former colonists of England projected to run a new country. The Constitution was drafted in Philadelphia by the brilliant and later 4th President of the United States, James Madison. This document was presented to ameliorate the Articles of Confederation, written in 1777, that contained a weak central government and no chief executive or court system. Another intention of theRead MoreThe Constitution Of The United States Of America1620 Words   |  7 Pageslegislature. ¨ The constitution, signed on September 17, 1787, created a bicameral national legislature, containing two separate chambers, The Senate and The House of Representatives. While Colonists had rebelled against British rule during the Revolutionary War, they drew out ideas about a new government centered around and pertaining to their experiences as British subjects. During this time it was obvious to why the delegates needed and formed an entirely different government. The constitutio n s preambleRead MoreHow Did the Constitution Guard Against Tyranny?1299 Words   |  6 Pagesbroken system in place, why was it important that a group of wealthy, white men from the thirteen original states, except for Rhode Island, frame a government that would be strong enough to serve the new nation, but not create any form of tyranny? The first constitution, The Articles of Confederation, was an agreement among all thirteen states that was drafted on July 12, 1776 and completed its formal ratification in March of 1781. It allowed thirteen states to set up central organizations to overseeRead MoreConstitution Worksheet Essay1712 Words   |  7 PagesPOS-301: Principles and Articles of the United States Constitution Worksheet Part I: Principles of the Constitution The constitution consists of some primary principles. Briefly explain the following principles and their significance in shaping American government. * Self-Government: Is the most important principle in the Constitution of the United States and refers to the need to have a system which would make sure that everyone has a voice in the local, state and national governmentsRead MoreFreedom : Freedom Of Speech And Freedom Of Speech1167 Words   |  5 PagesGeorge Guay CIV ESSAY TWO OUTLINE: One of the most complex things in establishing in a government is determining how much freedom the citizens in a society has. Throughout history we have seen many different type of governments that include North Koreas’ dictatorship to the United States that has a government based on principles of democracy. In societies that have democratic governments such as the United States, England, France, and many other western European countries, the citizens haveRead More Freedom of Speech and Expression and Responsibility Essay1629 Words   |  7 PagesFreedom of Speech and Responsibility       No matter how fervently someone believes in the justice of his cause, suppression of the free exchange of ideas is failure at best or downright wrong. The power or might behind an idea does not make the idea right. Many powerful people throughout history have been wrong. Few people, if any, would judge Mr. Smith Goes to Washington to be subversive or wrong. In 1939 Ambassador Kennedy was so caught up in the fears of the times that he was willing toRead MoreHenry David Thoreau s Civil Disobedience1124 Words   |  5 PagesDisobedience, he explains how he does not like civilized societies because of the unjust laws, but I feel that is what keeps everyone s rights of freedom in check. Living in a civilized society ensures everyone s rights due to the United States Constitution. For example, the first Amendment provides rights, such as the exercise of Freedom of Speech, The Press, The Right of the People, Peaceability to Assemble, and to Petition the Government for a Redress of G rievances. Thoreau does not like slaveryRead MoreThe Importance of the Electoral College and Its Effectiveness in Todays World1536 Words   |  7 PagesThe Importance of the Electoral College and Its Effectiveness in Todays World When the Constitutional Convention gathered in 1784 they had the difficult task of determining how our government should be assembled and what systems we should use to elect them. They quickly decided congress should have the powers to pass laws and the people should elect these people to ensure they are following the will of the people. But who should elect the president? Congress was the initial choice of mostRead MorePersuasive Essay On Bear Arms1201 Words   |  5 PagesSecond Amendment from the United States Constitution states: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. According to the Second Amendment it grants U.S. citizens the right to bear arms, but it was written during a very different time when the United States was becoming an independent country from England, establishing a government and creating a constitution for the people. During that time, there

Essay on Nike Just Do It - 2850 Words

Introduction Nike, Inc. is a sporting goods and apparel company founded by Bill Bowerman and Phil Knight in 1972. Nike, being a world-wide phenomenon, has â€Å"more than 35,000 employees across six continents and in more than 160 countries around the globe. Through our suppliers, shippers, retailers and other service providers, we directly or indirectly employ nearly one million people† (Nike, Inc.). All this is done to help Nike fulfill their goal to â€Å"carry on [Bill Bowerman’s] legacy of innovative thinking, whether to develop products that help athletes of every level of ability reach their potential, or to create business opportunities that set Nike apart from the competition and provide value for our shareholders† (Nike, Inc.). Ultimately,†¦show more content†¦They designed the Nike Swoosh and found Steve Prefontaine as the first person to wear the brand name. He was a runner who â€Å"electrified the packed stands† (Nike, Inc.) and became known as t he â€Å"soul of Nike† while pushing the brand of Nike to others. Nike continued to grow larger and today covers sporting gear for every sport and type of clothing apparel. They began investing in athletes and soon had athletes of the caliber of Tiger Woods, Lance Armstrong, Michael Jordan and plenty of others. â€Å"Today, Nike continues to seek new and innovative ways to develop superior athletic products, and creative methods to communicate directly with our consumers. The company has continued to expand in new ways, including strong growth in China and a deal to become the official sponsor of the National Football League (NFL) beginning in 2012 (Nike, 2013). â€Å"The company recorded revenues of $24,128 million during the financial year ended May 2012(FY2012), an increase of 15.7% over FY2011.The net profit was $2,223 million in FY2012, an increase of 4.2% over FY2011† (NIKE Inc., 2013). Nike continues to lead the competition, with many changes and ever-evolving products, ethical issues, and struggles within its organization along the way. In the words of Mark Parker, Nikes President and CEO, â€Å"At NIKE, Inc. we run a complete offense, and it’s based on a core commitment to innovation. That’s how we stay opportunistic, serve the athlete, reward ourShow MoreR elatedNike : Just Do It?714 Words   |  3 PagesJordan Touchet Dr. Gutierrez ENGL 1301 .2023 14 September 2016 Just Do It? It is known around the world that the phrase â€Å"Just do it† is associated with Nike, a well trusted brand. In 2012, Nike had come up with a new advisement campaign â€Å"Find Your Greatness†. Nike released this campaign during the 2012 London Olympic games which could not have been the more perfect time. During this time 38% of adults and 17% of children were obese in America. (Obesity and Overweight) Through this campaign it provesRead MoreNike : Just Do It1385 Words   |  6 PagesNike: Just Do It. McDonald’s: I’m Lovin’ It. Nowadays, everything we buy has a message behind it. Advertisements are filled with motivational, emotional, and spiritual messages that provoke and inspire. In a world where advertisements are as abundant as flies and just as annoying, marketers must find a way to rekindle consumers’ interest in products. Marketers need to find a way to not just coexist with culture, but to become it. In order to become a part of culture, marketers must make advertisementsRead MoreNike Just Do It Campaign3535 Words   |  15 PagesNike â€Å"Just Do It† Campaign Meaghan Carter-Morris Valdosta State University The campaign I decided to research was the â€Å"Just Do It† campaign done by Nike. Named after the Greek goddess of victory, it is no surprise that Nike has been one of the most successful sports apparel franchises in history. The brand was born through the collaboration of Oregon track coach Bill Bowerman and Blue Ribbon Sports associate Phil Knight. Seeking a profitable career without giving up his love for sports, PhilRead MoreEssay about Physical Education, â€Å"Just Do It!† –NIKE2193 Words   |  9 PagesJoyce). An estimated 22 percent of American children under the age 18 are exposed to secondhand smoke in the home. It is estimated that 2000 American young people begin smoking each day (Shannon, Joyce). These young people are usually influenced to do so by either their peers or lack of self control. Physical education can be a major force in helping children socialize with others successfully and provide opportunities to learn positive people skills. Esp ecially during late childhood and adolescenceRead MoreNike Ad Campaign Analysis1272 Words   |  6 PagesNike Advertisement Analysis Advertisements have been used for years to sell products. As long as there have been consumers there have been ads, although in many different media. Different companies or groups release ads to promote a certain product, idea, or brand. Nike is no exception. Nike has been a leading brand in sports for 46 years. They are most known for their athletic shoes, but Nike manufactures all sorts of athletic apparel as well as equipment. Nike publishes many printed advertisementsRead MoreNike Ethics and Human Violations1308 Words   |  6 PagesLike other large corporations, Nike looked to expand their operations outside North America. Many companies do this because of the law and wage demands of the United States making overseas operations very appealing. Employment laws are scarce and labor is cheap in most third world countries and can be easily become targeted by giant corporations such as Nike. In the beginning, Nike probably selected countries like Indonesia and Vietnam because of the vast poverty level and wage demand given theRead MorePersuasive Speech For Nike840 Words   |  4 Pagesthe slogan that stands out to me happens to be Nikes,  ¨Just do it. ¨ In a commercial aired on the 25th anniversary of the slogan, the theme is to  ¨Just do it ¨ even if the odds are in favor of your opponent. The 90-second commercial begins by picturing average athletes who are pressured to go to the next level and perform with professional athletes, it ends with one of the best athletes of all time, LeBron James dunking a basketball. Nike does an effective job of advertising its products by usingRead MoreNike And New Balance : Nike937 Words   |  4 PagesNike and New Balance Introduction Nike and New Balance both are companies that sell sports apparel. Nike brand is one of the most popular brands and has been around years and has the popular slogan â€Å"Just Do It†. Nike’s goal is to make products to every person by making sports apparel that will decrease injuries, enhance performance, and lastly that will feel good to wear. On the other hand, New Balance is not as popular. New Balance is still trying to become one of the top brands for sports apparelRead MoreMarketing Analysis : Nike And Nike846 Words   |  4 Pagesfan or a person that has never played a sport in their lives. When I optically discern that check logo I ken it can only be one company. That company is Nike.Now Nike is arguably one of the most recognizable clothing or sportswear companies in the world. Strangely enough out of the fifty-one plus years they don’t have their own magazine. Nike sends their business to the best outlet as far as shoes, sportswear and equipment which is Eastbay. Eastbay is most popular for being an online catalog.As farRead MoreWhy Is Nike the Biggest Training Shoe Company in the World1222 Words   |  5 Pagesbecome a basic part just about everyone s wardrobes. This is due to both the increasing numbers of people exercising and the trend towards casual apparel. One of the most popular brands in the world is Nike. Competition is strong at all levels within the industry, especially among the leaders. However, Nike has successfully differentiated from these competitors. This essay will concentrate on what makes Nike shoes standing out from the rest. Starting from making running shoes, Nike had branched out

Edgar Allan Poe Life and Works Essay - 2848 Words

nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Edgar Allan Poe was a literary genius of his time. His works may seem eccentric but beneath the words and stories lies a solemn, alone boy whose only way of comfort and relief was through his pen. Of the critical reviews I have studied pertaining to Poe, never has such a varied difference of opinions been presented or suggested towards a writer. It is thought that his life had a major influence on his writing and by reading many of his pieces I agree with that statement. Edgar Poe was born in Boston on January 19, 1809 to actors Elisabeth Arnold Poe and David Poe Junior. Edgar had a brother Henry, who was a year older than him, and a younger sister, Rosalie. His mother and father separated a couple months†¦show more content†¦When his family returned to Richmond he was known as Edgar Poe rather then Edgar Allan to put emphasis on the fact that he was not formally adopted. Edgar adored Fanny Allan, but her constant illnesses made her less than an ideal mother. When Edgar was fourteen he became infatuated with a fellow classmate’s mother, Jane Stonard. Whenever he felt discouraged or unhappy he would visit her. He only knew her for a year when suddenly she died of tuberculosis. Edgar was notably affected by her death, and his behavior drastically changed. Conflicts arose at home which resulted in Edgar becoming sulky and ill tempered towards his family. Mr. Allan interpreted Edgar’s bad mood as a sign of †thanklessness† for all he had done for Edgar. On March 26, 1825 William Galt, the owner of the Allan’s house, died. The Allans inherited his estate, which equaled to an astounding sum of three fourths of a million dollars including the house and three land estates. Afterwards, John Allan bought a house called Moldavia, which was very impressive and appeared to more of an estate than a house. By this time, Edgar was now sixteen and a half years old. He had finished his early education and was now preparing for the university and his life. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;In February of 1826, Edgar enrolled at the University of Virginia. Edgar had high ambitions in the area of languages. His courses included ancient and modern languages including the studyShow MoreRelatedThe Life and Works of Edgar Allan Poe Essay1487 Words   |  6 Pages Throughout the life of Edgar Allan Poe, he suffered many unfortunate events and endured several difficult situations. Some speculate that it was these experiences that helped to formulate the famous writing style of Edgar Allan Poe. His dark tales such as The Masque of the Red Death and The Tell-Tale Heart are horrific, and his poems such as Alone and The Raven show evidence that his life experiences influenced their dreariness. Poes story plots and his own life are undeniably related andRead MoreThe Life and Work of Edgar Allan Poe Essay550 Words   |  3 PagesEdgar Allan Poes style of writing is typical of the styles of writing during the Age of Romanticism. His poems and short stories were heavily influenced by his life experiences from a young boy to a well renowned writer. He lived his life in poverty, moving from one job to the other and from city to city, yet he is still one of the most widely read American authors today. Edgar Allan Poe was born on January 19, 1809 in Boston, Massachusetts. Poes home life was very unstable. His father, DavidRead MoreEdgar Allan Poe: His Life and Works705 Words   |  3 PagesEdgar Allan Poe was born in Massachusetts in 1809 and was orphaned by the time by the age of 2 (Fisher ix). Edgar lived with his godparents, and excelled in school but he had an irascible temper and was prone to alcoholism (Fisher vi). He first began his writing career by entering several â€Å"fiction contests† that was being held by newspapers in New England, and went on to write and publish 1 novel, and several short stories and poems (Fisher vii). He married his 14 year old cousin in 1836 and supportedRead MoreEssay about The Work and Life of Edgar Allan Poe1994 Words   |  8 PagesA bit of Edgar Allan Poes life had been molded into each piece of his work. This provided his readers and critics with a better understanding of Poes life. Poe displayed his greatest lifes achievements and his worst disappointments in a series of stories and poems created throughout his whole life. It is the goal of this research paper to reveal symbolic facts about Poe?s life and define these hidden parallels in some of his most famous works.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Edgar Allan Poe was born on January 19, 1809Read More The Life and Work of Edgar Allan Poe Essay867 Words   |  4 Pages Edgar Allan Poe was born in Boston, Massachusetts, to parents who were traveling actors. His father David Poe Jr. died probably in 1810. Elizabeth Hopkins Poe died in 1811, leaving three children. Edgar was taken into the home of a merchant from Richmond named John Allan. The remaining children were cared for by others. Poes brother William died young and sister Rosalie later became insane. At the age of five Poe could recite passages of English poetry. Later one of his teachers in Richmond said:Read MoreEdgar Allan Poe : His Life Influenced His Work1093 Words   |  5 Pages Edgar Allan Poe: How His Life Influenced His Work Edgar Allan Poe was an American author known for his works of depression and misfortune. Throughout his lifetime, Poe would never gain fame. It was only after his death that the true genius of Edgar Allan Poe was discovered. Poe frequently used his life occurrences—as terrible as they were—to influence his writings. It is through his writings that one can delve into the mind of Edgar Allan Poe and discover how his life truly was. Edgar Allan PoeRead MoreBrianna Ruiz-Vannerson. Leonard Miller. Enc1102. Feb. 231548 Words   |  7 PagesMiller ENC1102 Feb. 23 2017 The Compelling Mind of Edgar Allan Poe Through: â€Å"Lenore† and â€Å"The Raven† Throughout the life of esteemed author Edgar Allan Poe, there have been many time that this extraordinary man’s life has been turned upside down with grief. His first encounter with this wretched demon was when he was no older than three years of age. The mother who birthed him dies and his father abandons them before her death (â€Å"Edgar Allan Poe†). He then is separated from his brother and sisterRead MoreEdgar Allan Poe; Fame Inspired by a Tragic Life865 Words   |  4 Pagespoet, Edgar Allan Poe, had been plagued by grief from an early age. He was an amazing poet and author who just happened to have a darker story. Many who have studied this prestigious man feel that his works, though magnificent, were extremely dark. Some believe it was nothing more then a fancy for him to spin such gruesome tales. Others feel his work was manipulated by the misfortune of his past. These people have actually found evidence that agrees with this statement. The works of Edgar Alla n PoeRead MoreEdgar Allan Poe Research Paper1195 Words   |  5 Pagesand Comp 1 2 December 2010 Edgar Allan Poe His works and life relating to â€Å"Annabel Lee† [pic] Many poets and story writers write their stories based upon events and aspects of their life. They do this because it is so relatable and easy to write about because there is some truth in the words. Edgar Allan Poe is said to be one of these because his stories actually relate to his tragic, love stricken life. He is known to lead an overall depressing life that was full of loss and griefRead MoreAnalysis Of Edgar Allan Poe s The Raven And The Fall Of The House Of Usher 896 Words   |  4 PagesEdgar Allan Poe is an extremely well known American writer and is famous for his horrific and mysterious works such as, â€Å"The Raven† and â€Å"The Fall of the House of Usher.† Poe was born in 1809 in Boston, Massachusetts in an era that seems to have many dark and ominous writers and pieces of literature originating from that time period. Poe is said to have launched the interest in many of the detective type stories that we read from modern day writers. â€Å"In the early 1800s, romanticism was the dominant

Bead Bar Consultant Activity Free Essays

The information technology aspect is a rapidly booming industry in the present influences almost all of the relevant activities in the social and economic fields. Because of this significant influence, most of the major social and economic industries rely much to the value of information and the effects of their exchange in the operations of each respective organization. However, because of the dependence of most economic and social transactions to the value of information, several risk issues are now being considered influential and significant to the information operations. We will write a custom essay sample on Bead Bar Consultant Activity or any similar topic only for you Order Now Included in this aspect are the security threats imposed by (1) poorly written software or improperly configured systems, (2) computer viruses and worms, (3) external breaches, and (4) internal breaches. The first issue posts some significant threat because poorly written or configured software are more vulnerable to breach attack and viruses. Aside from this, poorly made softwares are also likely to become unstable and unreliable for actual use because of the negative characteristics that are likely to have been overlooked in the use of the system. Computer viruses and worms on the other hand tend to alter the normal processes in the information system causing significant leaks or instability in the operations. External and internal breaches are both threats on the literal means as they manifest unauthorized access to the informations though they vary only from the nature of the source. 2. Develop a security awareness-training plan for employees and franchisees. Knowing the significant threats to information security is an important aspect in the development of a security awareness plan for each organization. In general, the plan must be able to address each of the known threats including anticipation, development of a defense, and the prevention of future occurrences. The security awareness plan must classify mainly into two approaches namely the information protection and the physical security plan. The first encompassed the protection of the information through firewalls and security system, the protection of the storage facilities, and the access of these informations. The physical security must encompassed the actual factors involve in the protection such as the people involved in the information and others. The security plan must mainly anticipate the threat through developing a protection against known breach and virus infection, scrutinize and identify the access, prevent any unauthorized connection, and report the possibilities of leaks and the cases of intrusion. Most importantly in the security plan is the constant update, regular development and the close monitoring of the protection system to ensure its effectiveness and reliability against the threats to the information system. 3. Which Internet-based data backup plans should be used? Part of the security plan, which the organization itself must consider critically, is the aspect of recovery and backup for any intrusion disaster to their information system. Included in this concern is the backup system of the information system and operation of the organization, which is significant for their recovery process. Some of the common approaches to address this need are establishing a security partner to act as a storage facility of the backup data of the organization. These security partners are commonly internet-based serving as the primary data backup plan of most organization for situation of critical intrusion, infection or breach. The development of the internet-based data backup plan must also be extensive as they are similarly critically to the security plan. Several issues and aspects must be satisfied in this data backup plan such as their protection in terms of alteration, tampering or intrusion, isolation, and the constant update of the backup solution. How to cite Bead Bar Consultant Activity, Papers

Nuclear Waste Disposal free essay sample

How the Concerned Public is Involved in Decision Making Thesis Statement: Nuclear waste disposal is a complex process and it requires the cooperation from the public sector to aid the government and the scientists in order to ensure safe and successful nuclear waste disposal programs. I. Nuclear Waste Disposal: The Players and the Challenge A. DOE responsible for disposal B. Other entities concerned (public) C. Problems concerning waste disposal (toxicity, costs, technical difficulties etc) D. The major issues: lack of good communication between public and officials II. The Challenges of Nuclear Waste Transportation A. Volume and Radiation B. Costs C. Public fear and opposition D. Scientists vs. People III. Some Solutions: Integrating the People A. Scientists + People B. Some people (immigrants, children) might require specialized communication efforts in order to gain their participation C. Integrating professionals who can better understand the situation and the problems Nuclear Waste Disposal: The Players and the Challenge The department that is responsible for the nuclear waste disposal is the U. We will write a custom essay sample on Nuclear Waste Disposal or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page S. Department of Energy (DOE). This department has to face certain very complex decisions about how and where to dispose the waste. The transportation of these hazardous materials is also very important and DOE has to come up with the best and safest possible techniques in order to do so. The citizens of the United States are also very concerned when it comes to the disposal of nuclear waste (Riley et al 1993). The most commonly perceived problem about nuclear waste is that it is extremely toxic and hazardous. People are always concerned about being contaminated. Another cleanup issue that is important is that the waste is in very large volumes and this makes its transportation very difficult. There are also very large-scale implications of the potential severe human and environmental impacts that nuclear waste can have on our soil. Disposal of nuclear waste also requires a lot of technical expertise and is a very complex process and this adds to the problems. In addition, this is a relatively new thing and there is lack of experience on the part of the people who manage nuclear waste disposal. Also involved in nuclear waste management is â€Å"a legacy of secrecy, staggering costs, a history of inequitable practices, and a jumble of intricate federal and state regulations† (Drew et al 263). The inclusion of the many decision-making entities also makes this problem more complex. These entities include â€Å"tribal, state, and local government agencies; regulators; citizen groups; and contractors† (Drew et al 263). Both the complexities of the process itself as well as the large number of decision makers involved makes nuclear waste disposal a very complex problem. It requires the cooperation from all these entities to ensure a safe and successful nuclear waste disposal programs. This article shall discuss the various ways in which everyone, including the DOE, can come together and help reach a solution that is beneficial to everyone. For the purpose of this paper, we shall consider the term ‘stakeholders. ’ This term is defined as the people who are interested in or are affected by the U. S. DOE cleanup. Citizen groups, DOE managers and contractors, regulators, the state and local governments, and the general public are all included as ‘stakeholders’. The tribal people feel that they are a separate part and thus they are referred to as being outside the definition of ‘stakeholders. ’ They shall be referred to as the ‘tribes’. Some of the questions that have to be asked in this scenario include: â€Å"What are the major issues? Who is involved and who is absent from the discussions? What information do people need, and how can it be best presented? What tools and approaches enable stakeholders and tribes to participate in meaningful dialogue with these issues? † (Drew et al 264). The answers to these questions are extremely important as they will work to provide a framework for the improvement of the current methods and also come up with new and better ways of solving the problems. To facilitate a dialogue on this situation, the Consortium for Risk Evaluation with Stakeholder Participation (CRESP) took part in putting together three stakeholder and tribal interactions involving nuclear waste transport. It would be relevant to note that CRESP â€Å"is a national consortium of university-based researchers operating under a grant from the DOE. An important goal for CRESP is to improve the dialogue among decision makers, technical specialists, and interested and affected parties to create more sustainable, understandable, and acceptable nuclear waste transport decisions† (Drew et al 264). The results from these activities are presented in this paper and they provide some recommendations for DOE to make their facilities better. The Challenges of Nuclear Waste Transportation The clean up of the nuclear weapons production facilities is the responsibility of the DOE. There are some 140 sites in 26 states and territories (U. S. DOE 1999). The sizes of these sites vary as some of them are very large while others are small, being only a few acres. The largest site is the Idaho National Environmental Engineering Laboratory (INEEL) in southeastern Idaho, which is larger than 900 square miles. This used to be a weapon complex and has produced a very large amount of waste both in terms of volume (36 million [m. sup. 3]) and radioactivity (1 billion Ci) (U. S. DOE 1997a). The term ‘waste’ is used to denote â€Å"solids or liquids that are radioactive, hazardous or both (U. S. DOE 1997a). Waste comes in several forms, including high-level waste, transuranic waste, low-level waste, mixed low-level waste, residues from mining operations called tailings or 11e(2) by-product material, hazardous waste, and other waste† (Drew et al 265). The high-level waste usually emits a high level of radiation and it has the potential to be more toxic than usual. â€Å"low level waste† emits lesser level s of radiation but that does not mean that it is safer than the â€Å"high level waste†. This is one of the reasons for confusion about nuclear waste disposal and transportation among stakeholders and tribes. The waste first has to be stabilized by altering their physical or chemical properties, by changing the position of the waste, or by â€Å"erecting some physical or institutional barrier so that wastes are less likely to come in contact with people or the environment (examples of physical and institutional barriers are fences and deed restrictions, respectively)† (Drew et al 266). The cleanup activities cost almost about $6 billion per year (fiscal year 1992-fiscal year 2002) (U. S. DOE 2000, 2002). Sometimes it is necessary for transporting the nuclear wastes and other hazardous materials from one site to another. This is done to separate the waste from the smaller sites so that they can be closed and then used for other purposes. The Yucca Mountain, Nevada, has another special facility that is proposed for the long-term storage of high-level waste. This project is more than a decade behind schedule and may never open due to technical and political obstacles. There is a lot of intense opposition to the transportation of nuclear waste. According to many researches, the public is reported to have a very high fear of radiation risks than any other types of risk (Mills and Neuhauser, Slovic et al 1979, 1991a, 781-785, 36-39, 1603-1607). Answers from several surveys, the public also perceives that the specific problem of waste transportation is also very problematic. â€Å"A survey of Oregon residents about transporting nuclear waste using the state highway system found that public concerns about health and safety issues were high, while confidence and trust in public officials were low† (Drew et al 268). People in Idaho were found to be more concerned about the use of trucks to transport the transport nuclear waste (McBeth and Oakes 421-427). Feldman and Hanahan surveyed neighborhoods that were very close to a radioactively contaminated site and it was found that more respondents favored off-site management of wastes than on-site management, but noted that written comments indicated a concern with exporting or transferring the problem elsewhere, ensuring the careful transport of contaminated soil while avoiding contamination of additional sites through transport (1344-1352). In the early 1990s, the DOE realized that its nuclear waste cleanup strategy required a lot public involvement and it cannot proceed without letting the public in on the procedures and processes. This was a good idea but there are many technical complexities that are still considered to be a barrier for meaningful perception (Probst and Lowe; Bowman). â€Å"Many researchers and decision makers believe that average citizens simply cannot understand or discuss nuclear waste transport issues, radiation hazards, or regulatory requirements† (Drew et al 270). There have been many documented examples in which the average person have been involved in solving some highly complex and intricate issues and been able to implement some change that is meaningful. Kaplan (67-83) has documented the early history of public participation activities with DOE. He has strongly argued that the citizens are not mentally capable of handling complex situations that call for a lot of technical expertise. On the other hand, Bonano et al. (35-57) have depicted that the â€Å"stakeholders can work with experts on highly technical DOE cleanup decisions to formulate recommendations. Common to these examples is a concerted effort to provide participants with at least some degree of specialized knowledge, information, or training† (Drew et al 272). The important thing here is not the public but the scientists involved in the discourse. The scientists must try to open up their minds and think more on the lines of the nonprofessionals. They need to ask questions such as, â€Å"what information do participants need to engage in the process, who is participating currently in waste cleanup dialogues, and, perhaps more important, who is missing from the discussion? Finally, how can scientists present information in ways that foster participation? † (Drew et al 272). Involving the people to contribute effectively and productively is the key here and it is up to the scientists to clarify the road for the public intervention. After all, it is the public that fears the most and the scientists are working on new methods of safety for the public’s safe. This is why public involvement is very necessary for the DOE to come up with an effective and safe nuclear waste disposal program. What Should be Done: Some Themes and Lessons The most important thing that has come up with the discourses setup by the CRESP is that the scientists need to work with stakeholders and tribes to develop creative methods to make complex information accessible to the lay public. The scientists should educate the public about the possible hazards of radiation exposure and at the same time disallow the wrongful and ambiguous information that many people have in their heads. The most important group of people to be targeted for this kind of education would be the workers at a nuclear facility and also the people who live close by. â€Å"Toward that end, researchers should not only continue to explore creative applications but also evaluate their contributions to public participation processes† (Drew et al 280). A very few number of studies have been conducted on the relevance of the public participation with nuclear waste disposal programs and this is one area for future research. Some of the underrepresented groups of people might need some specialized communication efforts to ensure participation. These people can include the Spanish-speaking etc. The younger people should not be left out of this discourse either and they should also be made aware of the problems, solutions, and the need for their active role in the solutions. It is also very important to include technologically expert people from the stakeholders and tribes. These people are very important to target since they would be better able to understand the underlying problems that the DOE might be facing and thus they would be better able to help by giving their advice on the situations. Another important fact is that these experts can also disseminate the information to other people in nonprofessional terms and succeed where DOE has failed. It is difficult to have these people participate because they are very busy most of the times. In addition, many of these people felt that the issues that had to be discussed were not so important so that they never attended. Many people are simply not aware of or interested in the DOE cleanup because the issues are extremely complicated. Conclusion This article has discussed the various problems that the DOE faces in nuclear waste disposal and how these problems are elevated because of non-participation from the public sector. Even though many of the stakeholders and tribes are willing to participate in these issues, these people usually, believe that access to more technical information is required by them in order to make the participation effective and to make their decisions count. In order for the participation to be meaningful, it is very important that the decision process and the technical information should be as transparent as possible and it should also be accessible to the wide range of potential participants, which means everyone from the public sector. It was also noted that the people tend to engage in productive participation when they are allowed to interact with technical experts in a small group. The government and the DOE should come up with various methods by which they can involve more public participation and also get as much input from the public as possible. This would ensure that the DOE comes up with the best and safest possible program for nuclear waste disposal. The scientists and the government should work closely with the stakeholders and the tribal groups in order to develop programs that provide the technical resources needed for meaningful citizen participation in these complex decisions.